Chinese must junk misconceptions about Subhas Bose
The
lopsided view about Subhas Chandra Bose, taken by Indian historians and
politicians alike, directly affected the Chinese notion about Bose.
Professor Priyadarsi Mukherji
The
colonial era in India and the semi-colonial phase in China saw a series
of cooperation and exchanges between the two peoples. The colonial
domination by the British over India and China brought about misery and
therefore prolonged struggle for freedom. However, certain
misconceptions have been noticed, and to a great extent deliberated, so
far as the Chinese interpretation of the Indian freedom struggle and
some Indian political figures are concerned.
We
all know that an Indian medical mission was sent to China in 1938. But
the Chinese historians have chosen to emphasize that it was sent by
Jawaharlal Nehru. Whereas, the person solely responsible for sending the
mission along with an ambulance, after having collected a sum of Rs
22,000 on the All-Indian China Day and China Fund days on July 7-9, was
none other than the President of the Indian National Congress -- Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose. He had made an appeal to the people through a press
statement on June 30, 1938. In Modern Review
he wrote an article on Japan's role in the Far East and denounced her
assault on China, "our whole heart going out to China in her hour of
trial". Therefore, the Chinese assertion is wrong and biased.
Bose
in his broadcast from Berlin on May 1, 1942 agued saying, "Those were
the days when Marshal Chiang Kai-shek was fighting for his national
principles and that was why he could win sympathy of Indians in an
overwhelming degree. But the Marshal who came to India the other day to
ask the Indian people to fight for England was quite a different man, a
puppet of the Anglo-American forces.
One
should notice that Bose while touring the Japanese-occupied South-East
Asia in 1943, had been quite active in saving the lives of several
ethnic Chinese from Japanese atrocities. Yet Marshal Chiang and later
the communists branded Bose as a "traitor". Ironically in September 1931
when Chiang gave up the whole of north-east China to Japanese
occupation, he was branded by the communists as a "big traitor" (maiguozei).
Later his aligning with the Anglo-American forces brought him closer to
his arch enemies, the communists, ofcourse, temporarily.
While
professing national salvation and frequently visiting India for more
funds, Chiang Kai-shek conveniently chose to ignore the cause of Indian
freedom from the British yoke. The "egalitarian" worldview of the
communists too failed to extend the logic of national liberation in the
case of India. As Bose was vilified as "the running dog of Tojo" in his
own motherland by the communists, on the other hand his goodwill for all
freedom-loving people was conveniently disregarded by the Chinese
historians in the name of his alliance wit the Japanese fascists without
going into the truthful details.
Even
our scholarly historians have been quite unfair and ruthless while
dealing with Bose. They did not want to take cognizance of Netaji's
serious differences with Hitler and later with the Japanese military
authority. Netaji had a one-point programme in his life, the complete
independence of India.
...
In this world, either total and uncritical acceptance, or total
repudiation especially in the political sphere is quite foolish and
diehard position. That is exactly what has happened in the Chinese
interpretation as well as some Indian outlook about Subhas Bose.
With
Nehru at the helm of country, in post-independence India, brutally
partitioned by power-hungry statesmen, Bose's name found no significant
mention in the pages of modern history of India ... The lopsided view
about Bose, taken by Indian historians and politicians alike, directly
affected the Chinese notion about Bose. Thus, no genuine effort has been
made, either by the Indian government, or by other states across the
world, to unravel the mystery behind Bose's alleged disappearance. There
is no doubt that the Chinese side too has been affected by such
negative approach.
After
1949, despite Nehru's unconditional support to China, the latter
hesitated the least to squarely accuse him for perpetrating the border
crisis in 1962. His acceptance of Tibet as part of China became less
significant for China compared to his sheltering the Dalai Lama. His
alliance with the US during the days of Sino-Indian crisis, though
viewed very critically, was considered necessary by China so as to
counter Soviet Union in the late 1970s.
So,
there has been no uniform parameter in China's policies or viewpoints
except that with Subhas Bose. If the British intelligence officer Hugh
Toye can change his views about Bose and become his admirer, then why
can't China? A thorough retrospection as well as introspection are
needed in this regard. An objectively realistic vision would help dispel
these misconceptions. For that, of course, Bose has to be portrayed in
the correct perspective firstly at home. And then we can expect others
to follow suit.
There
are indeed many aspects in this history of Sino-Indian contacts that
remain shrouded in mystery or are simply unexplored. The reasons
primarily being the inaccessibility of material, and due to certain
erroneous policies of both Indian and Chinese governments so far as
mutual perceptions are concerned. New horizons of knowledge and
interactive relations must be explored so as to promote greater
understanding between the two cultures. A concerted effort is needed to
study the primary sources, to do field work, to make a knowledge bank by
pooling talents, to translate large number of works and to disseminate
and popularise those among general public.
Extracted from the paper India-China relations: A journey to the unexplored domains of history and culture published in the journal of the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. Vol 2, Number 4 (October-December 2003).
Reproduced
with the permission of the writer, a Professor in Chinese and
Sinological Studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delh
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